
THE WAR. 

ADMINISTRATION 



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THE 
WAR ADMINISTRATION 

An ILLUSTRATED PRESENTATION of PRESIDENT WILSON'S 

MEMORABLE WAR ADDRESS, TOGETHER with a BRIEF 

ACCOUNT of the PAST CAREERS and CHARACTERISTICS 

of THE PRESIDENT, VICE-PRESIDENT and THE 

MEMBERS of the CABINET, into whose HANDS 

HAS BEEN COMMITTED the CONDUCT 

of THE SIXTH GREAT WAR of 

THE UNITED STATES 



PUBLISHED BY PERRY WALTON 

BOSTON, MASS. 
• 1917 




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T!„- Brochure has been 

prepared l>y direction "f the 

Walton Adverl 

Printing Company 

Boston, M • 






FEB 27 1913 



Bl PI leli\ \\ VI !"\ 






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FOREWORD 






The purpose of this brochure is to present in 
a convenient and attractive way President 
Wilson's great war address, and also to tell 
the reader something about the men into whose 
hands has been entrusted the management of 
this nation's part in the war. It contains such 
illustrations as are necessary to the subject. 
Every effort has been made to obtain accuracy 
and to secure the best pictures of the President, 
Vice-President and the Members of the Cabinet. 

The compilers hope the book will be of per- 
manent interest, not alone because of the Presi- 
dent's wonderful address, which has become a 
document of world-wide interest, but also be- 
cause the brochure is a miniature reference work 
as to what kind of men the President, Vice- 
President, and Members of the Cabinet are. 
We hope that you will find it well worth pre- 
serving in your library. 















TABLE OF ( ON TENTS 



in. is nspna > pass 

/ / ' - ring hi* War Addn -i 

Prologi I 7 






Presideni Wilson's Wab \l.[>K> — 
'Int PRESIDENT 



President 



Tin \ [< i I'nt-ini \t 18 

I / - tideni lit 

'I in \\ Mi Cabinet ... 

Picture of tin Cabinet and President -i\ 

It..i i i.i Lansing, Secretary oi Sun -.'^ 

Pictun qf tin S< ^:i 

William Gibbs McAi .Secretari oi mi. Treaburi -4 

Pictun of tin Secretary qf Iht Treasury -i.~> 

Thomas Watt Gregory, Attornet-Generai 

Pictun qf tin Attorney-General . -i' 

JosEPHUs Daniels, Secretari oi the Navi 30 

Pictun of thi Secretary qf the Navy -i'.i 

David Franklin Houston, Secretary "i Agriculture S] 

Pictun (if tin Secretary qf Agricultun 38 

William Bauchop Wilson, Secretari oi Labob l 

Pictun qftiu Secretary qf Labor :>3 

William < ox Redfield, Secretari oi Commerce ... 34 

Pictun S5 

Alberi Sidnki Burleson, Postmaster-Generai 

Pictun of tin Postmaster-General :>7 

Newton Dierl Bakes, Secretari <•> Wab 

/ •/tin Secretary qf War :(«» 

Franklin Knighi Lane, Secretari "i nu [nteriob 41 

Pictun "j tin Secretary qf tiu Interior 40 










The entrance of the United States into the World War marks 
an epoch not alone in the history of this nation, but also in that of 
the world. Circumstances have obliged the United States to 
abandon its policy of refusing to participate in foreign affairs, and 
to become a potent member of the family of nations, with a duty 
to perform and a standard to uphold in the affairs of the world. 

The exact moment when the United States abandoned its time- 
honored policy of Non-participation and adopted the newer one 
of Internationalism had a dramatic setting. The scene was in 
the Capitol at Washington, where the joint session of Congress 
gathered to listen to the address in which President Woodrow 
Wilson asked this government to declare that a state of war existed 
between it and the Imperial German Government, and the time 
was between eight and nine o'clock on the evening of April '2. 
In the Chamber, besides the Senators and Congressmen, the Vice- 
President and Members of the Cabinet, were many of the foreign 
ambassadors, together with a representative gathering of the citizen- 
ship from all parts of the country. 

In sentences which were as remarkable for their dignity as for 
their logic, and with a sublimity of thought which will go far into 
the future, the President reviewed the causes which led us to the 
momentous step, summarized what the circumstances meant to us 
and, with prophetic vision, pointed out the course for the nation to 
follow. He asked Congress to declare that a state of war existed 
between this nation and Germany, because of Germany's action in 
sinking our merchant ships, and requested authority to place the 
army and navy on a war footing, and to take such further action 
as circumstances might demand. 

Both houses of Congress passed a war resolution by overwhelm- 
ing majorities, and on April 6, at the White House, the President 
signed the formal declaration of war. He changed with the strokes 
of his pen the present administration from a peaceful one into the 
fifth war administration since the adoption of the Constitution. 
Loans to the extent of $7,000,000,000 were voted, steps rushed for 
the thorough preparation of all land and sea forces and the pro- 
tection of our harbors, and a conference entered into with Great 
Britain and France for the purpose of co-operating with the Allies 
for the successful prosecution of the war. 

Upon the shoulders of the men who compose the Wilson Adminis- 
tration now rest tasks which will affect the welfare of this country 
and the world for centuries to come. Such being the present 
national circumstances, it is a matter of much interest to the people 
of this country, and to the people of the world, what sort of men are 
now in charge of the administration of this government. What do 
they look like? Where did they live ancUwhat did they do before 
they came into national office? The text and illustrations of this 
book will help you to know them.^We pr 
great speech. 



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PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR ADDRESS 






Before the Senate and House of Representatives, 
April 2, 1917 

Gentlemen of the Congress: 

I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because 
there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and 
made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally 
permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. 

On the 3d of February last I officially laid before you the extraor- 
dinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that 
on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside 
all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink 
every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great 
Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the 
ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterra- 
nean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine 
warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial 
Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its under- 
sea craft, in conformity with its promise, then given to us, that pas- 
senger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given 
to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when 
no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that 
their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in 
their open boats. The precautions taken were meagre and hap- 
hazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance 
in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain 
degree of restraint was observed. 

The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every 
kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destina- 
tion, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without 
warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, 
the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. 
Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved 
and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with 
safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Govern- 
ment itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of iden- 
tity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or 
of principle. 

I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would 
in fact be done by any Government that had hitherto subscribed to 
humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its 
origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected 
and observed upon the seas, where no nation has right of dominion 
and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage 
after stage has that law been built up, with meagre enough results, 
indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but 
always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience 
of mankind demanded. 




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This iiiiiiiiiimii of ridit the German Government ha> swept aside, 
under the plea <>f retaliation and necessity and because it lia<i no 
weapons which it could use at sea excepl these, which it i- impossible 
to employ, as it is employing them, without throwing to the wind all 
scruples of humanity <>r of respect for the understandings that were 
supposed tu underlie the intercourse of the world. 

I am aot now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense 
and serious as that i-. but only <>f the wanton and wholesale destruc- 
tion of the li\<- of non-combatants, men, women ami children, en- 
gaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of 
modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property 
can be paid fur; the lives of peaceful ami innocent people cannot be. 
The presenl German submarine warfare against commerce i- a war- 
fan- against mankind. 

It i- a war against all nation-. American ships have been sunk, 
American lives taken, in way- which it has stirred us very deeply 
to learn of. but the ships and people of other neutral ami friendly 
nation- have been sunk and overwhelmed in the water- in the same 
way. There has been no discrimination. 

The challenge i- to all mankind. Each nation must decide for 
itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be 
made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment 
befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put 
excited feeling away, (lur motive will not In- revenge or the victo- 
rious assertion of the physical might of the nation. Imt only the vin- 
dication of ridit. of human ri l;Ii t . of which we are only a single 
champion. 

When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of February last I 

tl -lit that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arm-. 

our ridit to use the seas against unlawful interference, our ridit to 
keep our people safe against unlawful violence. Mut armed neutral- 
ity, it now appears, i- impracticable. Because submarines are in 
effect outlaw-, when used as the German submarines have been used 
against merchant shipping, it i- impossible to defend ships against 
their attack- a- the law of nation- ha- assumed that merchantmen 
would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft 
giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such 
circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them 
before thej have shown their own intention. They must be dealt 
with upon sight, if dealt with at all. 

111. German Government denies the ridit of neutral- to use arms 

at all within the area- of the -ea which it ha- proscribed, even in 

the defence of ridit- which no modern publicist has ever before 
questioned their ridit to defend The intimation i- conveyed that 
the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will 

be treated a- l.eyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with 

as pirate- would li<- Armed neutrality i- ineffectual enough at best; 
in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it i- worse 
than ineffectual; it is likelj only to produce what it was meant to 
prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without 






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WAR ADDRESS 



either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one 
choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making; we will not 
choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of 
our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs 
against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs; they 
cut to the very roots of human life. 

With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character 
of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it 
involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my con- 
stitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course 
of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than 
war against the Government and people of the United States; that 
it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been 
thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put 
the country in a more thorough state of defence but also to exert 
all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government 
of the German Empire to terms and end the war. 

What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost prac- 
ticable co-operation in counsel and action with the Governments now 
at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to 
those Governments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that 
our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs. 

It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material 
resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve 
the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the 
most economical and efficient way possible. 

It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all 
respects, but particularly in supplying it with the best means of 
dealing with the enemy's submarines. 

It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the 
United States, already provided for by law in case of war. of at least 
500.000 men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the prin- 
ciple of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of 
subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may 
be needed and can be handled in training. 

It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to 
the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be 
sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation. 

I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation, because it 
seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits, which 
will now lie necessary, entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, 
I most respectfully urge, to protect our people, so far as we may, 
against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely 
to arise out of the inflation which would be produced by vast loans. 

In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be 
accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of 
interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the 
equipment of our own military forces with the duty — for it will be 
a very practical duty — of supplying the nations already at war 
with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from 



PAGE ELEVEN 













PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR ADDRESS 

us <>r by niir assistance. They are in the field and we should help 
them in every way to be effective there 

I shall take the liberty <>f suggesting, through the several executive 
departments of the Government, for the consideration of your com- 
mittees, measures for the accomplishment of the several obji 
have mentioned. 1 hope thai it will be your pleasure to deal with 
them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch 
of the Government upon whom the responsibility of conducting tin- 
war and safeguarding the nation will most directly fall. 

While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us 
!»■ very clear, and make very clear to all the world, what our motives 
and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from it- 
habitual ami normal course by the unhappy events of tin- last two 
months, ami 1 do not believe that tin- thought of tin- nation has 
been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things 

in mind now that I had in mind when I addrt d the Senate on the 

22d of January last; tin- same that I hail in mind when I addi 
tin- Congress on tin- 3d of February ami on tin- 26th of February. 
Our objecl now. as then, i- to vindicate the principles of peace ami 
justice in tin- lit.' oi Hi.- world a- against selfish ami autocratic power, 
and to set up among the really free ami self-governed peoples of the 
world such a concert of purpose and of action a- will henceforth 
insure ll bservance of those principles. 

Neutrality i- no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of 
the world i- involved and the freedom of its peoples, and tin- menace 
to that peace and freedom lies in tin- existence of autocratic govern- 
ments, harked by organized force which i- controlled wholly by 
their will, not by the will of their people. We have -en the last of 
neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an 

age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of .• luct 

and of responsibility for wrong done -hall I bserved among nation- 

and their governments that are observed among the individual 
citizens of <i\ ilized States 

We have |uarrel with the German people We have no feeling 

toward them hut one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon 

their impulse that their Government acted m entering this w . 

was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war 

determined upon a- war- used to he determined upon in the old. 
unhappy days, when peoples were nowhere consulted by their ruler- 
ami war- were provoked ami waged in the interest of dynasties or of 
little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their 
fellow men a- pawn- and tools. 

overned nation- do not till their neighbor Mate- with spies 

or set the coiir-e of intrigue to I. rin- about some critical l>o-ture of 

affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make con- 
quest. Such designs can he successfully worked out only under 
cover and where no one ha- the right to ask questions. Cunningly 
contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from 
generation t.. generation, i an he worked out ami kept from the light 
onh within the privacy of courts or behind the earefullj guarded 



x&X 



PRESIDENT WILSON 



WAR ADDRESS 




confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily im- 
possible where public opinion commands and insists upon full infor- 
mation concerning all the nation's affairs. 

A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by 
a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government 
c>uld be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It 
must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would 
eat its vitals away: the plottings of inner circles who could plan 
what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption 
seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose 
and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of 
mankind to any narrow interest of their own. 

Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to 
our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and 
heartening things that have been happening within the last few 
weeks in Russia'-' Russia was known by those who knew her best 
to have been always in fact democratic at heart in all the vital habits 
of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that 
spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude toward life. 
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, 
long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was 
not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has 
been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been 
added, in all their naive majesty and might, to the forces that are 
fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is 
a fit partner for a League of Honor. 

One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian 
autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the 
very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting com- 
munities, and even our offices of government, with spies and set 
criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of 
counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our com- 
merce. Indeed, it is now evident that its spies were here even before 
the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture, but 
a fact proved in our courts of justice, that the intrigues which have 
more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and 
dislocating the industries of the country, have been carried on at 
the instigation, with the support, and even under the personal 
direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to 
the Government of the United States. 

Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we 
have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon 
them because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling 
or purpose of the German people toward us (who were, no doubt, 
as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish 
designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people 
nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince 
us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us, 
and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. 
That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the 

P A G E T II I l> T E E N 




PRESIDENT WILSON'S W A R ADDRESS 

intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City i- eloquent 
r\ idence. 

W< are accepting 1 1 1 i — challenge of li.»-tilo purpose because we 
know thai in such a Government, Following such methods, we can 
never have ;i friend; and thai in the presence of it- organized power, 
always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, can 
I"- in. assured security for the democratic governments >>f the world. 
\\<- are now about to accepl the gage of battle with this natural foe 
to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation 
to check an<l nullify it- pretensions and it- power. We are dad. 
now that we see 1 1 •» • facts with no veil >>f false pretence about them, 
tip Bghl thus for the ultimate peace of 1 1 it- world and fur the liberation 
of it- peoples, the German peoples included: fur the riidit- of na- 

n at ami small, and the privilege of men everywhere t<> i : 
their way of life and of obedience. 

The world must be made- safe fur democracy. It- peace must U- 
planted upon the tested foundations <>f political liberty. We have 
no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. W< 
seek no indemnities fur ourselves, no material compensation for the 
sacrifices we shall freely make. We are l>ut one of the champions 
of the riL'ht- of mankind. We shall In- satisfied when those rights 
have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom <>f nations 
<an make them. 

Jusl because we Bghl without rancor and without selfish object, 
seeking nothing for ourselves but whal we shall wish to share with 
all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct mir operations as 
belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punc- 
tilio the principles of righl and of fair plav we profess t>i be fighting 
for. 

I have said nothing of the Governments allied with the Imperial 
menl <>f Germany because they have not made war upon us 
<>r challenged us to defend our riidit and mir honor. The Austro- 
Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed it- unqualified indorse- 
ment and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare, 
! now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, 
and it has therefore 1 1« > t been possible f<>r tlii- Government t<> receive 
Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited t" tlii- G 
eminent by the Imperial and Royal < iovernment <>f Austria-Hungaiy; 
but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against 
citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for 
the present at least, of postponing a discussion of <>ur relation- with 
the authorities at Vienna. We enter tlii- war only where wi 
clearly forced into it because then- are no other means of defending 
our rights. 

It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents 
in a high -pirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, 
not in enmity toward a people or with the desire to lirinL' any 
injury or disadvantage upon them, l>ut only in armed opposition t<> 
an irresponsible Government which has thrown aside all considera- 
tions of humanity and of right and i- running amuck. 







WILSON 



W A R ADDRESS 



We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, 
and shall desire nothing so much as the early re-establishment of 
intimate relations of mutual advantage between us, however hard it 
may he for them for the time being to believe that this is spoken 
from our hearts. We have borne with their present Government 
through all these bitter months because of that friendship, exercising 
a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impos- 
sible. 

We shall happily still have an opportunity to prove that friend- 
ship in our daily attitude and actions toward the millions of men 
and women of German birth and native sympathy who live among 
us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it toward all 
who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in 
the hour of test. They are most of them as true and loyal Americans 
as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They 
will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few 
who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be 
disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern repression; 
but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and 
without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few. 

It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress, 
which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may 
be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a tear- 
ful thing to lead this great, peaceful people into war, into the most 
terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be 
in the balance. 

But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for 
the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts — for 
democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a 
voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small 
nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free 
peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the 
world itself at last free. 

To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, every- 
thing that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of 
those who know that the day has come when America is privileged 
to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her 
birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. 

God helping her, she can do no other. 




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PAGE F I F T E E 







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T 11 E P RESID E N T 

kRESIDENT WOODROW WILSON is the twenty-eighth 
President of the United States. II< brought to the adminis- 
tration of the office a more thorough knowledge of the theory 
ivernment than any of his predeci rs and a practical experi- 
ence gained while President of Princeton and Governor of Sew 
Jersey. In his earliest hook. "Congressional Government," ami in 
hi- later one on "Constitutional Government," be has defined the 
features "f cur government; and according to his conception the 
President should to-day till the role <'f legal executive, party leader, 
and national representative of the whole people. And despite the 
opinions of the makers of the Constitution, who held that the Presi- 
dent should be merely an executive with veto power, this tripartite 
rule has Keen th.- .in.- tilled by all our great Presidents. 

Wilson's Southern birth and ancestry and hi- Northern experience 
make him, a- no President ha- been since the Civil War. the repre- 
sentative equally i»f the North and the South. 

Me was horn December 28, 1n.">»;. in Staunton. Virginia, a town of 
five thousand people in the famous Valley of Virginia, of a Scotch- 
Irish ancestry made up of editor- ami clergymen. Hi- father. 
Joseph Buggies Wilson, was a Presbyterian minister, ami hi- mother 
Jessie W Irow, the daughter of a Scotch Presbyterian min- 
ister. Although President Wilson did not know hi- letters until he 
was nine year- old, his father'- practice of spending some time every 
Sunday afternoon imparting all kind- of knowledge to hi- young 
-on gave Wilson a fund of general information far beyond hi- year-. 

After a boyhood -pent in Augusta, Georgia, and Columbia, South 
Carolina, where hi- father had pastorates, he entered Davidson 
College, North Carolina, hut soon left to go to Princeton, where he 
was graduated in ls7!>. taking hi- A.M. degree in 1882. Many 
degrees from other colleges and universities have since been con- 
ferred upon him. a- follow-: Ph.D., Johns Hopkins, 1886, R 
1902; 1.1.1?.. University of Virginia. 1882; 1.1. I> . Lake Forest, 
issT. Tulane, 1898, Johns Hopkins, 1902, Rutgers, 1902, University 
of Pennsylvania, L903, Brown, L903, Harvard. 1907, William-. 1908, 
Dartmouth, L909; Litt.D., ^ ale, 1901. 

Upon leaving Princeton, he studied law and practised at Atlanta. 
Georgia, during 1882 ami 1883. Becoming interested in th'' prac- 
tice ami theory of government, particularly in America, he wrote 

hi- tir-t and most fa us hook on "Congressional Government," 

which attracted such wide and favorable attention that he was 
called bj Bryn Mawr College in lss.'. t,, be Associate Professor of 
History and Political Economy, a chair which he held unt 
when he was called to a like chair at Wesleyan University The, 
in is'.io he became Professor of Jurisprudence and Politic- at Prince- 
ton, and filled the .hair until Augusl 1. 1902, when he was I 
President of the University, which he resigned October 20, 1910, to 
become < lovernor ol v i 

While President of Princeton, he introduced th.- preceptorial 
system bj which each -Indent i- brought under the immediate 




THE PRESIDENT 



influence, mentally and morally, of a graduate tutor. His efforts to 
democratize the eating clubs by bringing them under the supervision 
of the college authorities met the successful opposition of the wealthy 
undergraduates and graduates. And further efforts to democratize 
the students by establishing them in a quadrangle system by which 
groups of upper and lower classes would be brought together in a more 
democratic social relationship met an opposition that split in twain 
the Alumni and Faculty, and caused much bitterness of feeling. In 
his splendid address to the Alumni of Pittsburgh Mr. Wilson voiced 
his policy as follows: — 

"I have dedicated every power that there is within me to bring 
the Colleges that I have anything to do with to an absolutely demo- 
cratic regeneration in spirit, and I shall not be satisfied — and I hope 
you will not be — until America shall know that the men in colleges 
are saturated with the same thought, the same sympathy, that pulse 
through the whole body politic." 

This controversy lifted Wilson into such a favorable position before 
all America that New Jersey elected him governor, in 1910, on the 
Democratic ticket. And during his term as governor he broke the 
power of a corrupt machine, brought to enactment an excellent 
direct primary act, a drastic corrupt practice act, an Employers' 
Liability and Workingmen's Compensation Law which works auto- 
matically, and the creation of a public service commission with power 
to fix rates. 

His conduct as governor was such that people everywhere began 
to talk of him as a Presidential candidate, and he was elected Novem- 
ber .">, 1912, taking office March 4, 1913. Such in outline was the 
career of our President before he reached the White House. What 
is his appearance, and what manner of man is he? 

In person he is tall, spare, and wiry; has a determined face that 
is unusually severe in repose, but which relaxes in a winning smile 
when he is pleased or amused. His eyes are a keen gray-blue. In 
one of the limericks which he often composes in his lighter moments 
he describes himself as follows: — 

"As a beauty I am not a star, 
There are others more handsome by far; 
But my face — I don't mind it, 

For I am behind it; 
The people in front get the jar." 






His deliberate and systematic character is shown by the condition 
of his desk, which always is "arranged as neatly and methodically 
as a surgeon's instruments." At the conclusion of writing he will 
take from the drawer a piece of chamois skin, carefully wipe his pen, 
return the cloth to the drawer, and finally cover his ink-bottle. He 
is a prodigious worker, and his wide reading ranges from the latest 
poem to the most erudite philosophy. He can discuss equally well 
Kipling's latest poem, Chesterton's most recent paradox, changes in 
the religious world or the trend of philosophy or politics, meet and 
draw inspiration from the common people or break a lance in discus- 






pa <; i: 



E V E Y T E E N 



T HE VIC E P H E SIDE N T 

si. hi with tli<- most learned. Not only i- be a finished speaker, but 
he also has an assured place in bterature a- an essayist. Hi- high 
rank as a literary man is attested by Miss Perry, who says that 
Wilson's best writing i~ in such essays as "The Truth of the Blatter 
mi being Human" and "Mere Literature." Edmund Burke, Walter 
Bagehot . < lharles Lamb, Boswell's "Johnson," Augustine Birrell, ami 

William Wordsworth have been the influences that have ulded 

Wilson's literary style. His favorite poem i~ Wordsworth's "Happy 
Warrior"; ami his favorite sport, golf. 

Ami. finally, President Wils,,n is a member <if tin- American Acad- 
emy "f Arts ami Letters. American Academy <>f Political and Social 

Science, American Historical A iation, American Economic A»n- 

ciation, Corresponding Member of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, ami tin- author <>f many literary ami historical essays, a 
well as "Congressional Government: A Study in American Poli 
tie-," -The Mat.- Elements of Historical and Practical Politics," 
"Division ami Reunion, 1829 89," "George Washington," and 

A History ..f the American People.' 

T ii i: vie i: P i; i. - i D i N T 

^OME one ha- said that genius is the capacity for taking pains, 
which is (inly another way of saying that he who handles well 
the details gains capacity for the larger things. It i~ certain 
that the able way in which Thomas Riley Marshall handled the small 
things which came his way as a country lawyer caused the big 
things tn seek him and claim him. 

II.- «as for years a clear-thinking, bard-working country lawyer. 
going ami coming in his unostentatious, simple way about the 
streets ,,f Columbia City. Indiana, with an office over a dry-goods 
store in a Krick block not far from the county court-house, and 
li\ ing in a comfortable frame house with broad, maple-shaded piazza 
in front. He was a "good neighbor, good story-teller, good lawyer, 

good citizen, and good friend." runs one description. 
" And si, he came 

From prairie cabin up to ( lapitol. 

The conscience of him testing every st r ,,ke 

'I'o make Ins deed the measure of a man." 

might well lie written of him as it was of Lincoln. 

"I have had no career." said In- to on.- of his interviewers, "and 
the storv of my life is a short one " 

He was born at North Manchester, Indiana. March 14, 1854. 

his father being Daniel M Marshall, a country physician, ami his 
mother, Martha \ Patter Marshall. He is of Revolutionary 

stock He attended the common school, and then went to Wabash 

College ..t Crawfordsville, where he received his \ I'. 

r \ i, i i i i. ii i i i v 



S 



THE VII E I' RES! D E N T 

lii> A.M. degree in 1876, and his LL.D. degree in I •»««». Notre 
Dame University gave him an I.I. D. in 1910, and the University >>f 
Pennsylvania likewise honored him in 1911. He ~t u<li«-«i law with 
Judge Walter Olds at Fort Wayne, and was admitted to the bar 
when li<- was jusl twenty-one, in 1n7.">. ;it Columbia City. Entering 
the law linn ..f Marshall, McNagny \ Clugston, he became the 
leading partner, ami continued to !><• bead <>f tin- linn until 1!>IM). 
when In- became governor. 

Si Mm "Tom" Marshall and his epigrammatic way of putting things 
became known all over Indiana. Il>- married in 1895 Lois I. Kim- 
sey, who, under her Father, was Deputy Clerk of Steuben County, 
Indiana. 

A- Marshall early took an active part in the Democratic politics 
.if Li- town, li<- was made in ls:>ti chairman uf the Democratic party 
<if hi- Congressional District, but uever held any other political 
office until In' became mi January 1. 1909, Governor uf Indiana. 

This 1 <>r was entirely unexpected, fur tin- Fort Wayne Journal 

• tie, while Mr Marshall was on his annual vacation at Petoskey, 
Michigan, unknown to Marshall, appeared with the leading edi- 

tnrial 1 ming him fur governor. Tin- boom swept the State, ami 

he was elected. While governor, he opposed a protective tariff. 
^i 1 fur the election <if senators by direct vote, favored local self- 
government, an Employers' Liability Law, was firmly against Imnk- 
niakiiiL; mi race tracks, ami he was finally the author uf so radical 
,i State Constitution that the [ndiana State Supreme Court rejected 
it. Sn splendid a record, however, was hi- a- governor that the 
Democratic National Convention of 1912 which nominated Wilson 
chose Marshall as Wilson's running mat.-, ami he was duly elected 
\ ice-President. 

He i> a member of the Phi Beta Kappa, Phi Gamma Delta, the 
University, the Country, ami the [ndianapolis Literary Clubs, ami 
i- a thirty-third degree Mason. He has no children. In person he 
is five feet eight inches tall, weighs liu pounds, has blue-gray eyes, 
and dresses well. He has no sports i>r pastimes, though he does 
enjoy a game of baseball. His motto i-. "Be content." Be enjoys 
comedy or light opera, and reads detective stories and stories uf 
adventure. 






/• i / r w B N T 1 



T II I. WAR C AB1 N E T 

Till War Cabinet "f Presidenl Wilson is the same, with the 
exception "f three members, a> at the beginning of lii- tir-t 
administration. The places of Secretaries Bryan and (Jarri- 
son, who resigned, and "f Attorney-General McReynolds, who was 
appointed to the United States Supreme Court, have been filled by 
the appointment of Robert Lansing as Secretary of State, Newton 
1). Baker as Secretary of War. and Thomas W. Gregory as Attorney- 
General. TheCabinet now comprises the following: Robert f^tnsing, 
tary of Mat.-; William (■. McAdoo, Secretary of the Treasury; 
Thomas W. Gregory, Attorney-General; Josephus Daniels, Secre- 
tary of the Navy; David F. Houston, Secretary of Agriculture; 
William 15. Wilson, Secretary of Labor; William < Redfield, Sec- 
retary of Commerce; Albert S. Burleson, Postmaster-General; 
Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior; and Newton I>. Baker, 
Secretary of War. Mr. Maker is the youngest member, forty-five; 
Mr. Redfield, fifty-nine, is the oldest; while Presidenl Wilson, who 
i- sixty, is older than any of his Cabinet. All the members of the 
Cabinet are men <»f force, courage, independence, and experience in 
affairs. Several have served in Congress. Seven of the ten were 
educated a* lawyers, of the three not educated f< >r the law, 
William ('. Redfield, Secretarj of Commerce, was a manufacturer of 
machinery, W. B. Wilson, Secretary <>f Labor, a labor leader, and 
Di David F. Houston, Secretary of Agriculture, was long connected 
with agricultural affairs and agricultural colleges. William G. 
McAdoo, Secretary "f the Treasury, was creator of the new "public- 
be-pleased" policy of Public Service Corporations, an attitude 
toward the public which he introduced when president <>f the Hud- 
son River 'runnel System, known as the "McAdoo tubes." Josephus 
Daniels, Secretary df the Navy, was editor of the News and Ob- 
server of Raleigh, one of the most influential papers in the South. 



R0B1 III I W-IV. 
i ',iri/ of Stat< 

Robert Lansing has hen the representative of the United States 
before international courts <>f arbitration more frequently than any 
other living American. Indeed, according to a foreign authority 
lie has had greater experience in international arbitration and has 
appeared oftener before international tribunals than any other 
lawyer now alive. 

V Gne-looking, courteous, and pleasant gentleman, with a kindly 
smile that lights up hi* shrewd graj eyes and thoughtful face Mr 
Lansing is one of the most modest and unassuming of men. attrac- 
tive and refined in appearani e, full of quiet geniality and warm human 
sympathy, and glad to be helpful to all who approach him with a 
worthy case. He is an enthusiastic devotee of Izaak Walton and 
spends |>art of his summers with rod and line. He also plays a 
ame of i.'olf Few outside a circle of intimate friend- know, 
however, that he is a poet of no mean talent and also skilful with 



1 II I W A B < A 1! I N K T 

his pencil and brush. In a word, the versatile Secretary <>f Mate 
is .1 finished workman in all to which he sets hand <>r brain. 






Mr. Lansing was born in Watertown, New York, in 1864. Upon 
his graduation from Amherst College, in Ism), be studied law, and 
in lssii started practice with his father in Watertown, taking also 
an active pari in the local Democratic organization. In 1892 
his long experience in international law, when he was appointed by 
• tary of State Blaine associate counsel f'>r the United State- in 
the Fur Seal Arbitration case. !!<• became counselor for the Chinese 
and Mexican legations al Washington in hni. and two year- later 
tary of State Olney selected him as counsel to represent the 
United State- before the Behring Sea Claims Commission. 

Mr Lansing has also rendered valuable services to his country 
as solicitor fur the United State- before the Alaskan Boundary 
Tribunal in 1903, as counsel for the United Stale- in l<>l»i at The 
Hague in the Atlantic Fisheries Arbitration case, del. -ate to the 
Fur Seal Conference al Washington in 1911, and counselor f>>r the 
State Department in various diplomatic negotiations with Great 
Britain. In 1912 Secretary Knox appointed him agent fur the 
Government in the American and British Claims Arbitration, which 
position he held when named by President Wilson as Counselor foi 
the Department of Slate in March, 1914. The theory <>f inter- 
national law interests him as much as it- practice, and in 1906 he 
assisted in founding the American Society of International Law. 
Hi- has been and -till i- an editor of Hi.' American Journal q) I 
national Law, and i- author of a text book on .i\il government 
entitled "Government, It- Origin, Growth, and Form in the United 
Stat.--." With this vast experience in the field of international Ian 
it i- not strange thai Mr. Lansing was selected a- Counselor for the 
Stat.- Department, from which it was but a short and logical -t<-|> 
to the portfolio of Secretary of Stat.-, to which office he was ap- 
pointed in June, It' 1 5 



W III. I \M GIBBS Mi \D00 

I 

William GibbsMcAdoo" tunnelled "himself into prominence. His 
imagination, persistence, courage, and financial ability were respon- 
sible for the Hudson River Tunnel- and the Hudson Terminal 
Building. He was an early supporter of President Wilson, and was 
vice-chairman of the Democratic Campaign Committee of 1912 

M« \d,i,. was born October SI, 1m;::. near Marietta, Georgia, 
-i' an excellent Southern family, that had been ruined by the Civil 

War Hi- father. William G. McAdoO, M \ . II. I> . "a- a judge, 
a soldier in the Mexican and Civil War-, and District Attorney - 

General of Tennessee. The loss of hi- estate forced the father to 
take a | irofe— ..r-hip in the University of Tennessee, «h.-r<- young 
McAdoo was matriculated, but left at the end of the Junior year 
becau f a lack of famih means, and took ., clerkship in the United 






T hi: WAR < a 1; i \ i i 

States Circuil Court. While a clerk, he studied law, and was ad- 
mitted t<> the liar in 1885 at Chattanooga. He then went to Knox- 
ville t<> run a small s tree I electric railway; ami. when it went into 
the hand- df a receiver, In- became Division Counsel in Tennessee 
fur the Centra' Railroad and Banking Company ami the Richmond 
and Danville Railroad Company, and thus secured the railroad 
experience which was later in In- used to such advantage. And 
finally, when In- was 1<--- than thirty, he began to practise law in 
New \..rk. where a few years later he funned a partnership with 
William McAdoo no relative . who had Keen an Assistant - 
tary of the Navy in the Cleveland Administration and also police 
commissioner in New York. The partnership was finally dissolved 
in 1902, when McAdoo became interested in the suburb transit 
problems. 

A- he lived in New Jersey, the ferry delay- impressed him with 
the need of a tunnel, and he organized tie- Sew York \ New Jersey 
Railroad. In 1902 I.,- acquired the rights of the old tunnel under 
the Hudson, which had been begun in 1st V. and in 1908 he was 
elected president of tie- Hudson & Manhattan Railroad Company, 
the corporation that operates the tunnel system. After many diffi- 
culties "f both a financial and engineering nature he completed the 
lir-t tunnel under the Hudson River between Eioboken, New Jersey, 
and Sixth Avenue ami Ninth Street, New Y..rk. March s. 1904. 

Hi- frank attitude toward the public a- well a- hi- consideration 
lor it- ri^ht- and demand- marked a new era in corporation manage- 
ment. Hi- prominence in finance and hi- management <>f large 
enterprises gave him just the experience needed in the treasury 
office. Strange t" say, a few years ago In- bought at [rvington, 
New York, five acre- and a tim- old house, adjoining an estate that 
had belonged to Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the 
Treasury and the founder of our financial system. Mr. McAdoo 
ha- been married twice and i- the son-in-law of President Wilson. 

llloM \- \\ Ml GR1 GOR^ 
< neral 

Tin una- Watt Gregory owe - his distim tion to a remarkable record 
a- prosecutor of law-breaking trusts in Texas. With a local repu- 
tation already made a- an able and successful lawyer, the State of 
Texas engaged him ami R. I.. Batts, hi- law-partner, to prosecute 
the Water- Pierce Oil Company, a subsidiary of the Standard oil 
Company, for violation- of the -trict Texas anti-trust law-. After 
a stirring legal battle which drew the attention of the whole nation. 
Mr. Gregoi beat tl itesl of the trusts and for ,-d the Waters- 
Pierce Oil Company to paj $2.000.1 in tin.-- to the Mate of Texas 

This case won him a position among the tir-t of American law \ ers, and 
led later to hi- employment by the Federal Government. 

Mi Gregory was horn in Crawfordsville, Lowndes County, Mis- 
sissippi, November (i. 1861, and i- tl..- -,„, ,,f a Confederate veteran. 
He wa- reared a- an outdoor bo) whose favorite implements were 
the li-l,,,,: rod and gun. M tie- COUntrj School he attended he 



£<Jta 










I HE W A R ( A U I N K T 

excelled in debating, and when in IsM he «-nt «-r.-< 1 the Suutliw.--t.-ni 
Presbyterian University at Clarksville, Tennessee, he won a medal 
fur oratory. Completing his < <>nr-«- in the record time of two years, 
Ik- t.K)k a spei ial course at the University of Virginia, where he 

nx >l with tin- future Attorney-General McReynolds and gained 

high honor- in debating. 

Apparently a distinguished career as a public <.rat..r lay before 
the young Southerner, bul to !.i- fri.-ml-' surprise he gave up public 
speaking and in 1885 opened a law office in Austin, Texas. lli- 
ability soon began to make it-. -If f.-lt. Before I.mil' he was recog- 
nized as one of Texas' leading lawyers. The anti-trusl agitation 
which began in Texas about this time l;.\.- Mr. Gregory hi- chance 
for national distinction. The famous case against the Waters- 
Pierce Oil Company made Mr. Gregory's reputation as a "buster" 
of "bad trusts." Soon after President Wilson's inauguration the 
Federal Government engaged him to take charge of tin- l.-L'al end 
of the New England railroad situation. He delved for sixteen 
months into the affair- of the New York, New Haven & Hartford 
Railroad Company, and finally so straightened out the tangle that 
he won commendation from all. 

When Attorney-General McReynolds was advanced to the Supreme 
Court, Mr. Gregory's distinguished service m.-t a fitting reward in 
his appointmenl on August 29, 1914, as Attorney -General of the 
United Stat.--. 

He has never sought public office, declining appointments as 
assistant attorney-general of Texas and J sti the United States 

Court. Mut In- ha- always been interested in political 
campaigning in Texas ami i- a close friend of President Wilson's 
friend, Col I E. M. House. Educational and church alfair- in- 
terest him a- well a- law. politics, ami outdoor sports. Ho "a- at 
our time a Regent of tin- University of Texas ami Trustee of Austin 

Presbyterian Tl logical Seminary. He married Mi— Julia Nalle 

of Austin, Texas, in 1893, ami i- the father of four children. 

Mr. < iregory i- an alert-looking gentleman ><i fifty-five, whose -|>ark- 
ling gray eyes, ruddy complexion, and strongly built figure indicate 
a lover of the great outdoors, ami whose incisive speech ami pene- 
trating glance reveal the traim-.l thinker and man of atTair-. 

Quiet, modest, low-voiced, pre i-<- ami -low of speech, In- possesses 
all the warm courtesy of the typical Southern gentleman, His 
hatred of "brass-band methods" and publicity i- the reason why so 
fellow citizens an- familiar with lii- brilliant rar.-.-r. Hon- 
esty and fearlessness -him- from lii- clear gray eyes. At tin- Uni- 
versity of Texas lu- participated in baseball a- well a- debating, 
and was a founder of the locally famous "Tarantula Club." He 
is an easy ami effective -|><\ik.-r. with remarkable ability at picking 
• •ui the important facts from a ma-- of evidence. An enthusiastic 
baseball ami football "fan." a golfer, an expert wing -hot. and with 
a particular fancj for flj fishing. Mr. Gregory is the best type of 
all-round man whose mental activities an- matched bv phvsical 
ment. 



/ ii / \ / ) 






1 II E WAR < A IS 1 N E T 



J0SEPH1 - DANIELS 

Mr. Daniela is perhaps the most picturesque character in the 
Cabinet. In summer he always wear- a linen suit, low collar, black 
Bowing ti<\ and white socks. He doesn't agree with Shakspere'a 
"Beware of entrance to a quarrel," bul i- thoroughly in accord with 
the conclusion, "But being in, bear 'I thai the opposed may beware 
of thee." Daniel- is a fighter from the call of time to the « !•-< i- i. . n 
of the referee, and then be would like to _■.> on. He showed this 
spirit in the conduct of th<' Raleigh Xews and Observer, one of the 
most fearless and best-known papers in the South. He once criti- 
cised Federal District Judge T. It. Purnell for the latter's acts 
while receiver of a railroad, and was arrested for contempt and put 
in "jail." the jail being a room in a hotel where he was in custody 
of a United States marshal. Here he was k«-pt four or five day-. 
and wrote his editorials, signing them "Cell S65." He did not 
hesitate to assert also that the governor of the State was conspiring 
to bankrupt the property and throw it into the hand- of a receiver. 
He was lined $20,000, and retorted he would "rot in jail" before 

he would pay a rent. An appeal was taken, and the tine reunite,! 

lie was National Committeeman from North Carolina, member 

<>f the De cratic Campaign Committee and head of the Publicity 

Bureau of the Democratic Committee, and long a personal friend 
of Mr. Bryan. 

Mr. Daniels was horn Maj 18, 1862, at Washington, North Caro- 
lina; studied at the Wilson North Carolina Collegiate Institute, 
ami when he was eighteen went on the Wilson Advance; studied law, 
was admitted to the bar, but did not practise. He started a paper 
in Wilson, No,tl, Carolina, hut later purchased the Raleigh (hniu- 
icle, and ran it in opposition to the Sews and Observer, giving the 
\ and Observer such a fighl that it »;i- glad to consolidate with 
Daniels as editor. From 1887 to 1893 he was Stat.' printer of North 
Carolina, and for two year- was chief clerk of the Interior Depart- 
ment, under Hoke Smith, Secretarj of the Interior in Cleveland's 
second administration. Ex-President of North Carolina Editorial 
Association, twice delegate to the Democratic National Conventions, 
member of the Democratic National Executive Committee from 
No,i|, Carolina, and Trustee of University of North Carolina Hi- 
wife. Adelaide Worth Bagley, i- a sister of Ensign Worth Bagley, 
who was second in command of the torpedo boat "Win-low." and 
wa- killed while trying to capture a Spanish gunboat at Cardenas, 

< ill. a. in [898 



/////■/ ) 



THE W A R C A B I N E T 



DAVID FRANKLIN HOUSTON 

Secretary of Agriculture 

Like President Wilson, Mr. Houston has spent most of his life 
educating young men, but has given particular attention to agricult- 
ure, and therefore is thoroughly ecpiipped for his position in the 
Cabinet. His career may be briefly summarized as follows: — 

He was born in Union County, South Carolina, February 17, 
1866, and graduated from South Carolina College in 1887. After 
graduating he became a tutor in ancient languages, and a year later 
was appointed superintendent of schools at Spartansburg, South 
Carolina. From this position he went in 1891 to Harvard, where 
he studied economics and political science in the Graduate School 
until 1S94. He was then called to the University of Texas to be- 
come Associate Professor of Political Science and later Dean of the 
Faculty, and finally in 1905, President of the University. He was 
also from 1902 to 1905 President of the Agricultural and Mechanical 
College of Texas. He was called in 1908 to St. Louis to become 
Chancellor of Washington University, a position he held when offered 
the Cabinet position. He received an A.M. degree from Harvard 
in 1892, an LL.D. from Tulane University in 1903 and the Univer- 
sity of Wisconsin in 1906. He is a Fellow of the Texas State His- 
torical Society, a member of the American Economic Association, 
member of Southern Educational Board, Trustee of the John L. 
Slater Fund, and a member of the Rockefeller Sanitary Commission. 
He has written "A Critical Study of Nullification in South Caro- 
lina." 

WILLIAM BAUCHOP WILSON 
Secretary of Labor 

Mr. Wilson, who holds the Cabinet position. Secretary of Labor, 
that was created March 4, 1913, by the signature by President Taft 
of the Act of Congress creating it, came to the position with a labor 
union card in his pocket and the confidence of all working-men. 
Not only was he Secretary -Treasurer of the United Mine Workers 
of America from 1900 to 1908, but he has served three terms in Con- 
gress, so that he has a knowledge of public work as well as an intimate 
acquaintance with the needs of labor. 

He was born at Blantyre, Scotland, April 2, 1862. His father, 
Adam Wilson, a coal miner, came to this country in 1870, and settled 
at Arnot, Tioga County, Pennsylvania. Mr. Wilson went to work 
in the coal mines when but nine years old, and at eleven he held a 
junior card in the Mine Workers' Union. He had many positions 
in the union before securing the secretary-treasuryship. Despite 
the lack of school advantages he took every moment to read and 
study, and has made himself a man of fine intellect and much in- 
formation, with considerable literary and oratorical powers. He 
was elected to the Sixtieth Congress from Blossburg, Pennsylvania, 
where he now has a farm, and was re-elected to the Sixty-first Con- 





















^ c / v. 



♦ r AiyZ r/K 



T II K W A I! C A It I N E T 

having more votes than all the other candidates. The Demo- 
crats made him Chairman <>f the Committee on Labor. He was 
defeated for the Sixty-third Congress l>y the combined opposition 
cf the Republican and Progressive tickets. While in Congress, be 
was an aggressive and forceful debater on labor questions, and was 
listened to with much attention and his arguments had great weight. 
He proved himself to !><• a man of broad human sympathy and fine 
character. And. when the new Department of Labor was created, 
he was at once chosen to till it. He is married, and has nine children. 

WIU.IWl ( <>\ REDFIELD 

Mr. Redfield, who is a wealthy manufacturer, came int<> promi- 
nence in the debate over the tariff Kill during Taft's administration, 
-\\nw im: liinisclf to be an authority upon not only the practical, l>ut the 
theoretical side <>f commercial subjects. His speeches on the tariff 
made a great impression all over the country, and he lias come to !»• an 
authority upon the subject. He lias travelled all over the world, 
and rv.-ryu here has been a close observer "f commercial and economic 
affairs. He lias been mentioned not only for the governorship i N 
Y<>rk. but was als,, spoken of as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. 

He has made a careful study of business c utions at home and 

abroad, and holds that labor in America needs no tariff protection, 
as the skill of American labor more than compensates for the lower 
wages paid by other countries, because the greater efficiency of the 
American workman produces more and better products in the same 
time than the cheaper foreign labor. 

He was born in Albany, New York, June L8, 1858, went to Pitts- 
field in 1867, and studied at the Pittsfield High School. He moved to 
v \ ork in 1877, and went into the making of iron ami steel forg- 
ings and tools in Brooklyn, Ww Vork.in 1883, where he has for years 
Keen prominent politically, socially, and commercially. He has for a 
number of years Keen President of the J. II. Williams Company, the 
Sirocco Engineering Company, Vice-President of American Blower 
• ompany, ami Director Equitable Life Assurance Society. In 1902 
he was appointed by Borough President Swanstrom Commissioner of 
the Public Works of Brooklyn, and in 1896 he was the Democratic 
candidate for Congress from the Seventh New York District, and in 
lull became a member of the Sixty-second '"njr" from the Fifth 
District. While in Congress, he strenuously advocated a lower 
tariff, particularly on food products, and during the Sixty-third 
ress made one of the ablest speeches delivered against the duty 
voolens. 

I., 1912 he went to the Far East, Japan, and the Philippines, and 
wrote a senes ,,f letters upon labor ami commerce that were very 
enlightening, lie was President of the Platbush hoys' Club. Law- 
■ nl Athletic Club, Knickerbocker, and the Field Club of 
r. i] lyn, New York. His wife was Miss Elsie Mercein Fuller, of 
Brooklyn. Thej have two children. His chief pleasure is music. 

P A G I l li I R i 






T H K W A B < A B I N E T 

U.IU.KI SIDNEY B1 EtLESON 
Postmaster-General 

Mr. Burleson is th.-fir-t Texan to have a Cabinet office. He was 
a member "f Congress for fourteen years, sat in the Sixty-third 
Congress, and was a prominent member ol the Committee on Agri- 
culture and the Committee on Appropriations. He could have been 
< hairman oi the < lommittee on Agriculture, but declined, as h<- was 
more interested in the Appropriations Committee. As chairman of 
thi Sub-committee in charge <>f the District of Columbia budget, he 
was long popularly known as * * 1 1 1 • - Mayor of Washington." 

Mr. Burleson was born In San Marcos, Texas, June 7. 1863, and 
was educated at the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, 
Baylor University of Waco, and the University <>f Texas. 11<- studied 
law, and was admitted to the bar in 1885, serving as A ss i sta n t 
City Attorney of Austin, Texas, from 1885 to 1890. [n 1891 
he «ii- appointed bj the governor Attorney for the Twenty- 
sixth Judicial District, and was elected to the Fifty-sixth Congress, 
ami served as Congressman until hi- selection as Postmaster- 
General. He »;b National Committeeman from Texas and on the 
Campaign Committee which elected Wilson in 1912. During the 
campaign of 1912 he was in charge ol the Seven Democratic Speakers 
Bureau in the West. 

NEWTON DIEHL BAKER 

II at 

Newton l>. Baker is the youngest member <>f the Wilson Cabinet. 
Of all its members he is the one most like the President in habits of 
thought and intellectual traits. He has a brain that work- 1 iU«- 
lightning, a gift <>f fluent speech that charms In- li.-ar.T-. and an 
intimate knowledge <>f literature from Chaucer t<> Alfred Noyes 
While he i- somewhat interested in gardening, he cares little for 
outdoor sports, for his favorite amusements are of a mental char- 
acter. He is conversant with the Greek tragedies and occasionally 
indulges in Latin phrases in speaking. Such i- the charm >>f his 
manner and easy grace of hi- diction that he instantly wins and 
holds the respectful attention <>f an audience A deep student t<> 
whom there is no greater joy than that t<> be found in the pi 
.i 1 book, he is pre-eminently the intellectual tj |»- of public man. 

It was Mr Baker's good fortune in early life to take a lecture 

c ,ni-i political administration at Johns Hopkins under Woodrow 

Wilson, and -it at table with him at a boarding-house in Baltimore. 
\l ially attracted by their similar intellectual tastes and attain- 
ments, the ful - o War and President formed a friend- 
ship pregnant with significance for the future. But the two did not 
met again, after Mr Baker's graduation, until the fortune- of a 
political campaign a few years ago in Massachusetts brought them 
• i as speakers from the sn platform. 

/■i(./ i n I i: I ) SIX 









T II K w A B i \ B I S I. I 

Despite bis high intellectuality the Secretary of War is by no 
means a cold and aloof person. 1 1 « - i- full to overflowing with hearty, 
warm human sympathy, and his kindly manner and Kri^lit lmm<ir 
quickly win friends. Small, slight, and dark-haired, with piercing 
brown eyes, he i- a youthful-looking gentleman with the nervous 
activity of a boy. 

M Baker was born in 1*71 in Martinsburg, West Virginia, 
attended Johns Hopkins University, and after graduating studied 
law at Washington and Lee University. He went to Washington 
in 1896 as private secretary to Postmaster-General William I. 
Wilson. The following year he resumed hi- law practice in Mar- 
tinsburg, but soon went to Cleveland, Ohio, where Judge Poran 
took him into his law tirm. Mr. Baker's ken intellectual ability 
drew the attention of Mayor Tom Johnson, who appointed him 
Assistant City Solicitor, and with Tom Johnson he fought a winning 
fighl against the forces of special privilege in Cleveland and was 
elected City Solicitor for four successive term-. 

In 1**11 Mr. Baker was elected Mayor of Cleveland by the greatest 
majority ever given a candidate in that city. Persevering, tactful. 
and keen a- a rapier, he carried through various reform- which 
Johnson had undertaken. He strove to gain broader home-rule 
powers for Cleveland, and. believing thai the people should pay 
no more than the cost of the public utilities which serve them, he 
introduced a system of fares which ri-e or fall according as the 
transportation company i- earning less or more than -i\ per cent, 
on it- fixed capitalization. 

The people of Cleveland showed their appreciation of Mr. Baker's 
efforts in their behalf by re-electing him Mayor at the conclusion 
of his tir-t term. At the Baltimore convention of 1913 his speech 

advocating \\ Irow Wilson's nomination for the Presidency won 

wide notice, and upon Wilson's election h>- was offered the portfolio 
of Secretary of the Interior, bul declined, desiring to complete his 
second term as Mayor. A correspondence begun about this time 
between the President-Elecl and the Mayor led gradually to Mr. 
Baker'- becoming an unofficial adviser ol Mr. Wilson, and so. when 
the former retired to private law practice at the conclusion of his 
second mayoralty term and a vacancy occurred in the Cabinet, Mr. 
Wilson was quick to take advantage of the opportunity to make the 
distinguished Ohio statesman a member of his official family. 

Mi Baker's ambition has been to be the highest type of lawyer 
and a champion of the masses against every form of spe rial pri\ ilege. 
He i- a member of many peace societies, but does not believe in peace 

at any price. Neither i- he an extremist in matter- of military 
preparation. "I do not think.'' he says, "peace will come through 
passive resistance on the part of any one nation, hut I think a really 
great nation can afford to wait a long while an. I give a great many 

benefits of doubts before going to war." 



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V. 












THE WAR CABINET 






FRANKLIN KNIGHT LANE 

Secretary of the Interior 

The Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Franklin Knight Lane, entered 
the Cabinet from the Chairmanship of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission. As a member of the Interstate Commission, he always 
took a progressive stand, holding that the Commission should 
have the power to say where new railroads should be located and 
that legislation should make it possible for investors to know "the 
purpose for which money was wanted and to be assured of the 
soundness of their investment." He also advocated imprisonment 
for guilty directors. 

Mr. Lane was born on Prince Edward Island, July 15, 1864, and was 
the son of Dr. C. S. Lane. Graduating from the University of Cali- 
fornia in 1886, he studied law and began practising in San Francisco 
in 1889. In 1897 he was elected Corporation Counsel of San Fran- 
cisco, holding the office until 190 L 2, when he became the unsuccessful 
Democratic candidate for governor. In 1903 he received the Demo- 
cratic vote for United States Senator. He became a member of the 
Interstate Commerce Commission in 1905, and was also a member 
of the International Railway Commission representing the United 
States Government. One of his views is that a National Commission 
should regulate all business enterprises engaged in Interstate Com- 
merce. This he believes is the best cure for trust evils. His wife 
was Miss Anne Wintermute, of Tacoma, to whom he was married in 
1893. 






P A G E F R T Y - N E 



